16 de outubro de 2011

A Progressive in the Age of Austerity :Thomas L. Friedman


Edel Rodriguez
CHICAGO, The New York Times

Josh Haner/The New York Times
Thomas L. Friedman
“I want to be honest about this budget,” the mayor declared. “Almost every one of these ideas has been discussed and debated before. But politics has stood in the way of their adoption. Maybe in the past, we could afford the political path. But we have come to the point where we can’t afford it any longer. The cost of putting political choices ahead of practical solutions has become too expensive. It is destroying Chicago’s finances and threatening the city’s future. In all of these reforms, we will be guided by principle, pragmatism and progress — not politics. What we simply cannot do is to temporize any longer. We can’t kick the can down the road because we’ve run out of road.”
Indeed, we have. Emanuel’s pride and joy is the new mandate that he and his schools chief, Jean-Claude Brizard, pushed through for next year to have the school day for Chicago’s 400,000 students extended by 90 minutes and the school year by about a week. The teachers’ union leadership has accepted that this will happen but wants more say on how to use the time — and more money. Parents are thrilled, but it will clearly require more talks with the union.
“We want to be a city where businesses want to come and are created and where parents want to raise their children,” says the mayor, sitting in his office. “You cannot get there on the shortest school day of any big city.”
In 2003, the mayor added, “Chicago teachers got a double-digit pay raise and a shortened school week. The result was that politicians did not get a teachers’ strike and teachers did get better pay. But can anyone tell me what the kids got? We are going to design a system where the kids get something.” Emanuel has also created a privately funded bonus pool for principals whose schools make exceptional progress.
It’s all part of one fabric, says the mayor: the better the schools and the safer the streets, the more people will flock to the city and the more businesses will want to locate here and create new jobs. But there is a long way to go.
On a good day, such as last week, a firm like Accenture announces it is adding 500 jobs in Chicago. And, on a bad day, Emanuel notes, he finds himself “staring right into the whites of the eyes of the skills shortage.” His city has thousands of job openings going unfilled, he says: “I had two young C.E.O.’s in the health care software business in the other day, sitting at this table. I asked them: ‘What can I do to help you?’ They said, ‘We have 50 job openings today, and we can’t find people.’ ”
Doug Oberhelman, the C.E.O. of Caterpillar, which is based in Illinois, was quoted in Crain’s Chicago Business on Sept. 13 as saying: “We cannot find qualified hourly production people, and, for that matter, many technical, engineering service technicians, and even welders, and it is hurting our manufacturing base in the United States. The education system in the United States basically has failed them, and we have to retrain every person we hire.”
This is why Emanuel is trying to cut and invest everywhere. He expanded all-day kindergarten for 6,000 more kids by cutting $400 million out of the schools’ bureaucracy. To get more cops on the streets, he shifted 600 police from desk jobs to walking beats. To spruce up subway stations, he cut 200 positions out of his transportation department.
But besides cut and invest, Emanuel also has to raise revenue, without broadly raising taxes, to cover a $636 million operating deficit. He wants to charge hospitals and other nonprofits for city water, impose a congestion surcharge of $2 for parking downtown and raise fees for drunken driving. Every source of revenue has to be tapped.
“We are at an inflection point as a city and as a country,” he said. “That is not just an opinion held by elites. The American people know it in their bones.”
That’s why the issue for Chicago, and the nation, is the same: Can we cut enough fat to keep building enough muscle — while reforming taxes to raise more revenue — so we pay for the excesses of the last 20 years while financing the tools our kids and innovators need to thrive in the next 20? If so, we’ll have a hard decade, but can still have a good century. If not? Well, let’s just do it and not go there.

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